By Lewis Loflin
Virginia’s public schools, particularly in Richmond, are failing students—not due to “systemic racism” or teacher bias, but because of unchecked behavioral issues rooted in community crime patterns, economic displacement, and a culture of low expectations. Suspension rates in Richmond, Henrico County, and statewide reflect these realities, with Black students suspended at higher rates (13.6% vs. 3.1% for Whites, Virginia DOE, 2023) that align with a 6.18x Black-to-White violent crime ratio (Virginia State Police, 2023). Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) policies exacerbate the problem by underreporting suspensions, masking dysfunction and driving low proficiency across all groups.
Having grown up in Richmond during the 1960s, I witnessed schools plagued by violence and behavioral chaos, prompting my family and others to flee by 1970. Today, Richmond’s schools remain dysfunctional, with a 15% overall suspension rate and proficiency rates as low as 8% for Black students in 8th-grade math (NAEP, 2022, adjusted). This crisis extends beyond Virginia, with states like Texas and Massachusetts showing similar patterns, but the focus here is Virginia’s failure to address behavior, economics, and personal responsibility.
In Virginia, Black students face suspensions at 4.4 times the rate of White students statewide (13.6% vs. 3.1%, Virginia DOE, 2023). In Richmond, the ratio is 1.47x (17.6% vs. 12.0%), and in Henrico County, 3.8x (11.0% vs. 2.9%). These figures are dwarfed by the 6.18x Black-to-White violent crime ratio (e.g., aggravated assault: 446.14 vs. 72.14 per 100,000, Virginia State Police, 2023), suggesting schools under-discipline relative to behavior. DEI policies, I argue, encourage underreporting of suspensions and violence, hiding the true extent of issues.
Richmond’s high suspension rate (15% overall) reflects its violent environment (360 per 100,000 crime rate, 19.8% poverty), where even White students face a 12% suspension rate. Henrico’s lower rate (6% overall) benefits from wealth (median income $76,000) and less crime (200 per 100,000), reducing White suspensions to 2.9%. Similar patterns appear elsewhere: Texas shows a 2.5x Black-to-White suspension ratio (20% vs. 8% for males, TEA, 2021) with a 2.2x crime ratio; Massachusetts has a 3x ratio (18% vs. 5%) with a 3.77x crime ratio (FBI, 2022). Connecticut’s older data (2000–2004) suggests an 8–10x crime disparity, likely aligning with high suspension ratios. Across these states, suspensions mirror crime, not bias.
DEI policies underreport suspensions, masking Virginia’s school dysfunction.
Economic factors, not racism, drive much of Virginia’s school crisis. Globalism and mass immigration have flooded low-skill job markets, displacing Black and Hispanic workers in sectors like construction and services. In Virginia, immigrant labor accounts for 20% of construction jobs (BLS, 2020), reducing opportunities for native-born workers, particularly in Black communities (24.5% poverty in Richmond). This economic strain contributes to single-parent households—65% for Black children, 50% for Hispanic children (U.S. Census, 2020)—which correlate with higher suspensions and lower proficiency across all races.
Personal choices amplify these issues. Families prioritizing discipline and education, regardless of race, see better outcomes. In Henrico, White and Asian students benefit from stable family structures (70% two-parent households), with suspension rates as low as 2.9%. Black and Hispanic students in similar socioeconomic conditions perform better, proving that choices, not race, shape behavior.
Virginia’s schools fail most students, with 69% not proficient in 8th-grade math (NAEP, 2022). Black students score 11% proficient, Hispanics 20%, Whites 39%, and Asians 50%. Richmond’s rates are worse (~8% for Black students, 30% for Whites), driven by constant disruptions (15% suspension rate). Henrico fares better (12% Black, 45% White), but statewide, the focus on “equity” over discipline hurts everyone. High suspensions for Black males (13.6%) reduce class time, cutting scores by 10–15 points (Education Next, 2020), yet DEI-driven underreporting and lowered standards (e.g., no exit exams) mask the crisis.
Other states reflect this failure: Texas has 75% non-proficient 8th graders (12% Black, 37% White), Massachusetts 61% (15% Black, 48% White). Massachusetts’ $22,000 per pupil spending—twice Virginia’s $11,000—yields only marginal gains (NCES, 2021). Asians’ success (50–65% proficient, 1.5x lower suspensions) shows high standards work, but Virginia’s policies prioritize “closing gaps” over excellence.
| Region | Black Suspension Rate | White Suspension Rate | Hispanic Suspension Rate | Black-to-White Ratio |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Richmond | 17.6% | 12.0% | 6.0% | 1.47x |
| Henrico County | 11.0% | 2.9% | 6.0% | 3.8x |
| Virginia (Statewide) | 13.6% | 3.1% | 6.0% | 4.4x |
Richmond’s schools have been dysfunctional since the 1960s, when violence and behavioral issues drove my family and others to flee. Today, Whites are just 11.3% of Richmond’s students, compared to 37.7% in Henrico (Virginia DOE, 2023–2024), as families seek safer schools. Richmond’s 360 per 100,000 crime rate and 19.8% poverty foster chaos, with a 1.47x suspension ratio (17.6% Black, 12.0% White) that understates issues due to DEI policies. Despite Black leadership (e.g., Mayor Levar Stoney), the focus on equity over discipline perpetuates low expectations, failing all students.
Virginia must raise academic and behavioral standards, not hide problems behind DEI policies. Enforce consistent discipline, restore exit exams, and address economic displacement by prioritizing local workers over immigrant labor. Schools should promote a culture of responsibility, as seen in Asian students’ success (50% proficient, low suspensions). Texas and Massachusetts show the same need for rigor, but Virginia’s crisis—especially in Richmond—demands urgent action to stop the cycle of dysfunction and flight.
Acknowledgment: I’d like to thank Grok, an AI by xAI, for helping me draft and refine this article. The final edits and perspective are my own. Data sourced from Virginia State Police (2023), Virginia DOE (2023), NAEP (2022), Texas Education Agency (2021), Massachusetts DESE (2021), FBI (2022), and U.S. Census (2020).
